Rosarito’s Ex-Mayor Tagged by U.S. for Alleged Cartel Collusion

Washington woke up with a list and Rosarito’s former mayor was on it. The U.S. Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) says Hilda Araceli Brown Figueredo, who ran Rosarito City Hall from 2021 to 2024 and now sits in Congress under Morena’s banner, was part of a Sinaloa Cartel racket. The accusation isn’t a court case but a financial hammer: sanctions that freeze any assets in U.S. reach and bar Americans from doing business with her or with the fifteen Rosarito companies the Treasury just blacklisted.

The U.S. statement is blunt. During Brown’s term, cartel operators tied to the Arzate brothers—better known as “Aquiles” and “La Rana”—allegedly installed allies inside local government. Treasury claims Brown, along with fixer Candelario Arcega, collected extortion money, greased operations, and made sure Rosarito’s police looked the other way. In government jargon it’s “facilitating illicit operations.” For residents, it reads more like the city was subcontracted to organized crime.

Brown’s response came quickly and angrily. She called the allegations an “infamia,” insisted her bank accounts are fine, and said she only found out by watching the news like everyone else. She promised to cooperate with whatever authority asks questions. It’s the political equivalent of shrugging while the U.S. slaps a neon sticker on your forehead.

Governor Marina del Pilar Ávila was caught mid-press scrum in Tijuana when reporters asked for comment. Her answer was cautious: just received the info, no further details, let’s wait. She did admit Brown once sat in state security meetings. That’s not the endorsement you want when Washington is describing you as a bagwoman for the Sinaloa Cartel, but it’s all she offered.

For locals and expats, it’s important to understand what sanctions mean. No police raid, no handcuffs, not yet. OFAC designations are paperwork weapons; they strangle money, not people. Banks from San Diego to Mexico City see the list and quietly close doors. Suppliers stop answering calls. Mexico’s own Financial Intelligence Unit has already said it will mirror the move with an administrative freeze, which means even more banking headaches. None of it is proof in court, but it can ruin business overnight.

The credibility question hangs in the air. OFAC doesn’t publish courtroom evidence, only carefully worded accusations. Targets deny everything, always. Still, the U.S. rarely backpedals once a name is public. And the list is long—Brown’s not alone. Operators, relatives, and companies in Rosarito were all designated together, suggesting a network, not a typo.

Brown remains in Congress, still drawing a salary and still claiming innocence. The governor is hedging, the federal party is silent, and the Americans have already moved on to drafting the next sanctions package. Meanwhile, Rosarito is left wondering if its city hall was ever working for the voters or if it was just a branch office of “Los Mayos.”

For expats who wire money, rent property, or buy into local businesses, this is where you pay attention. Sanctions ripple. If a firm is half-owned by someone on the list, banks can shut it down. Compliance departments don’t care about local politics—they care about not getting fined by the U.S. Treasury.

The bottom line is simple enough. The United States just accused Rosarito’s ex-mayor of helping a cartel tax her own city. She says it’s all lies. The governor says she’ll wait and see. And everyone else is left to calculate how long it takes for financial blacklists to turn into political consequences in Mexico. Until then, it’s just another day in Baja, where the ocean steals your flip-flops and Washington steals the headlines.

Sheinbaum Fires Back at Treasury: Show Us the Receipts

Mexico demands evidence after U.S. accuses three banks of laundering cartel cash

MEXICO CITY — Just days after the U.S. Treasury called out three Mexican financial institutions for allegedly laundering cartel money linked to fentanyl trafficking, President Claudia Sheinbaum clapped back with a clear message: “No hay pruebas, solo dichos.” Translation? “No proof, just hearsay.”

In her signature morning press conference, Sheinbaum addressed the accusations leveled against CIBanco, Intercam, and Vector Casa de Bolsa—which the U.S. Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) declared part of the fentanyl money machine. But according to Mexico’s top leader, the Treasury’s claims came without actual evidence. No bank statements, no names, no smoking gun. Just a memo and a very public naming and shaming.

And Sheinbaum didn’t mince words: “Mexico is no one’s piñata.”

The Mexican Government’s Response? Investigate—But Don’t Jump to Conclusions

Sheinbaum says Mexico’s Ministry of Finance and Financial Intelligence Unit (UIF) received a confidential heads-up from FinCEN weeks ago, but that tip-off lacked the “why.” As in: why exactly does the U.S. think these banks are laundering drug money?

Since then, Mexico has formally asked for more details. Sheinbaum emphasized that the Chinese companies mentioned in the U.S. report are legally registered and that $139 billion in trade between China and Mexico isn’t built on crime—it’s built on commerce.

As for the alleged dirty transfers? “Just regular business,” Sheinbaum says, pointing out that thousands of similar transactions occur every day between Mexican and Chinese companies.

But Didn’t the U.S. Mention Cartels, Opioids, and Even García Luna?

Yes. And that’s where things get a little murky.

The FinCEN statement didn’t just throw shade—it dropped full-on accusations. The report linked the banks to the Sinaloa Cartel, Gulf Cartel, and CJNG. It even claimed that Vector helped launder $2 million and processed $40 million tied to Genaro García Luna, Mexico’s former top cop, who’s now sitting in a U.S. jail cell over cartel connections.

But Vector’s CEO, Eduardo Cantú, fired back on the radio: they checked their records, and neither García Luna nor his companies were ever their clients. And those Mexican firms tied to the alleged schemes? “Not our clients either,” said Cantú. Vector claims it’s been in touch with regulators and is happy to cooperate—just waiting for actual receipts from the U.S.

Intercam and CIBanco also denied any wrongdoing. In nearly identical statements, they said they comply with all Mexican and international financial rules and stand ready to work with both governments to clear things up.

Is This Just About Banks?

Not quite. The U.S. accusations have turned into something bigger—a potential political flashpoint.

One of the three institutions under fire, Vector, has ties to Alfonso Romo, a powerful businessman and close ally of former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador. That connection didn’t go unnoticed. Critics say the Treasury’s move may carry a hidden message aimed at figures within the current Mexican ruling party, Morena.

Meanwhile, canceled U.S. visas for other Mexican officials, including Baja California’s governor, have fueled speculation about wider investigations into cartel links at high levels of government.

Sheinbaum’s Bottom Line?

If there’s proof, Mexico will act. If not, don’t expect them to roll over.

“We’re not covering for anyone,” Sheinbaum said. “But we won’t act on speculation either.” She pointed to past U.S. missteps, including the high-profile arrest—and quiet release—of General Salvador Cienfuegos in 2020, as evidence that Washington can sometimes jump the gun.

While Mexican financial regulators have found minor administrative infractions at the banks in question, no signs of money laundering have surfaced so far.

Sheinbaum insists Mexico will keep asking for solid evidence and keep investigating. But until then, her stance is firm: “We are a free, sovereign country. We collaborate, but we don’t take orders.”

Let’s see if the Treasury’s next move comes with more than bold headlines.

Three Mexican Banks Busted for Fentanyl-Linked Money Laundering

FinCEN calls out CIBanco, Intercam, and Vector for helping cartels move dirty money

It’s not every day the U.S. Treasury drops the financial equivalent of a mic. But that’s exactly what happened this week when they named and shamed three Mexico-based financial institutionsCIBanco, Intercam, and Vector Casa de Bolsa—for allegedly helping drug cartels clean up their mess. And by mess, we mean millions of dollars linked to fentanyl trafficking.

Yep, according to the U.S. Treasury’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN), these institutions aren’t just looking the other way—they’re playing an active role in moving money for some of Mexico’s most notorious drug cartels. Think Sinaloa, CJNG, Beltrán-Leyva, and the ever-charming Gulf Cartel.

This move marks the first-ever use of new powers granted under the Fentanyl Sanctions Act and the FEND Off Fentanyl Act—which, if nothing else, win the award for most dramatic legislation names of the year. These laws give FinCEN the green light to cut financial lifelines tied to opioid trafficking. And CIBanco, Intercam, and Vector? They just got their financial passports revoked.

Dirty Money and Clean Hands? Not Quite.

Let’s break it down:

  • CIBanco, a commercial bank with over $7 billion in assets, is accused of processing more than $2.1 million in payments between Mexican companies and chemical suppliers in China—specifically for ingredients used to cook up fentanyl. FinCEN says a CIBanco employee even helped create an account to launder $10 million for a Gulf Cartel member. That’s not exactly in the job description.
  • Intercam, another commercial bank (with a cool $4 billion under management), also allegedly helped cartels wire cash to Chinese chemical companies. Even worse? Executives at Intercam reportedly met face-to-face with CJNG members in 2022 to chat about how to shuffle money around discreetly. Bold move, considering FaceTime exists.
  • Then there’s Vector, a brokerage firm managing close to $11 billion in assets. FinCEN claims Vector facilitated multiple payments for chemical imports and let a Sinaloa Cartel mule launder $2 million through them over nearly a decade. Maybe that’s what they meant by “diversified portfolio.”

What Happens Now?

These banks are now under the financial version of house arrest. U.S. institutions are banned from sending or receiving any money to or from them—including via cryptocurrency wallets. The restrictions take effect 21 days after the official notice is published in the Federal Register. (So, mark your calendars. Or don’t—it’s not like you were planning to send money to a cartel anyway.)

Secretary of the Treasury Scott Bessent didn’t mince words: “Financial facilitators like CIBanco, Intercam, and Vector are enabling the poisoning of countless Americans by moving money on behalf of cartels.” In other words, don’t let their sleek bank branches and business attire fool you—FinCEN says they’re just as dangerous as the guys with guns.

And What About Mexico?

Here’s the diplomatic twist: the Treasury insists this crackdown was done with Mexico’s full cooperation. Both countries, according to the official line, are committed to protecting their citizens from the financial tentacles of transnational criminal networks. (Let’s hope the cooperation lasts longer than a tequila hangover.)

Bigger Picture

These designations come on the heels of a January 2025 executive order from President Trump, declaring that certain cartels should be treated like Foreign Terrorist Organizations. And yes, several major cartels—including CJNG and Sinaloa—are now officially on that list. So today’s bank smackdown? Just part of the larger crackdown.

Bottom line? If you bank with one of these three institutions, now might be a good time to double-check where your money’s going. And if you’re a cartel? Well, looks like it’s back to stuffing cash in duffel bags.

Got questions about your bank? Ask your teller if they’ve been sanctioned today. If they say yes—run.